Tuesday, June 23, 2026

My Experience and Interactions with the Monterrey Institute of Technology Program in China

My Experience and Interactions with the Monterrey Institute of Technology Program in China

By:Jossalberto Briceno Saenz


The following account reflects my personal experiences while studying and working at Fudan University in Shanghai, China. It is based on my firsthand observations, events that I personally experienced, and information that was communicated directly to me by faculty members and university administrators during that period.

During my time at Fudan University, I was appointed by the university to serve as a translator during meetings between representatives of Tecnológico de Monterrey (Monterrey Institute of Technology) and Fudan University. At that time, Tecnológico de Monterrey was expanding its academic program in China by sending Mexican students to study Chinese language and participate in educational exchange activities.

In addition to my translation duties, Fudan University appointed me as Director of the Spanish-Speaking Student Association. I also served as a volunteer Spanish instructor, contributed as a columnist for the university newspaper, and represented the university at various academic and cultural activities involving Spanish-speaking students and visiting delegations.

Beginning in approximately 2009, I experienced what I perceived to be a sustained pattern of harassment, intimidation, and pressure from individuals associated with Tecnológico de Monterrey, including members of its administrative staff and students participating in its China program.

I personally received repeated telephone calls from individuals who identified themselves as being associated with Tecnológico de Monterrey. During these calls, I was repeatedly urged to resign from my university positions, withdraw from my activities at Fudan University, and leave China voluntarily. Some callers also stated that I should stop participating in university affairs and that I should no longer represent Mexican students or work with Fudan University.

I also received telephone calls from individuals who identified themselves as being connected to the Mexican government or to influential political figures in Mexico. Those callers questioned my activities in China, requested that I report to the Mexican Embassy or Consulate to identify myself, and expressed concern about my academic and professional work. Based on these repeated contacts, I believed that my activities were being monitored.

In addition to the telephone calls, I experienced repeated intimidation from certain students affiliated with the Tecnológico de Monterrey program. I received threatening telephone calls, was verbally harassed, and on several occasions I was physically assaulted on the Fudan University campus by individuals whom I identified as students participating in that program. During these incidents, I recall being told words to the effect that "Death is waiting for you in Mexico," and that I would face serious consequences if I returned there. Those statements caused me genuine fear for my personal safety.

Several members of the Fudan University administration later informed me that representatives of Tecnológico de Monterrey had requested that I be removed from my university positions and activities. Because I had been a long-time student at Fudan University, some faculty members spoke openly with me about these concerns. One professor personally showed me emails that she stated had been sent by representatives of Tecnológico de Monterrey requesting that my participation at the university be terminated.





Although I cannot independently verify the motives behind those communications, I was informed that requests had been made to remove me from my teaching responsibilities, my leadership position within the Spanish-speaking student association, and other university activities. Over time, I was removed from the university newspaper, where I had served as a columnist, I was instructed to discontinue teaching Spanish, and another instructor associated with Tecnológico de Monterrey later assumed those teaching responsibilities.

The cumulative effect of these events had a profound impact on my academic career, my professional opportunities, and my personal well-being. I became increasingly fearful for my safety and deliberately avoided contact with individuals whom I believed were involved in the harassment. My participation in university life steadily diminished until I had effectively lost the positions and opportunities that I had previously earned.

Based on my personal experiences, the repeated threats, the pressure to leave China, the communications I received from individuals identifying themselves as connected to Tecnológico de Monterrey and the Mexican government, the information provided to me by Fudan University personnel, and the actions taken against me, I came to believe that there was a coordinated effort to exclude me from academic life in China and silence my professional activities.

This statement reflects my personal recollection of the events as I experienced them. Where I describe information provided by others, I have identified it as such. My purpose is to accurately document my experiences and explain why those events continue to affect me today.

The consequences of these experiences did not end when I left China. They continue to shape my fear of returning to Mexico. If I experienced years of intimidation, harassment, threats, and pressure while living thousands of miles away in another country, I genuinely fear what could happen if I were forced to return to Mexico.

That fear has only intensified because I was repeatedly told that "Death is waiting for you in Mexico," and later, "I WILL BE KILLED IN MEXICO." Those statements were not isolated remarks. They became part of a continuing pattern of intimidation that has remained with me for many years.

I cannot predict the future, but the experiences I lived through have left me with a genuine and well-founded fear for my safety. The question that continues to remain in my mind is whether those warnings were merely attempts to intimidate me—or whether they reflected a real danger that still awaits me if I return to Mexico.

Thursday, January 29, 2026

 When Education in Mexico Becomes a Tool of Political Control

Freedom of expression in Mexico has long been under political pressure, to the point where it is now effectively constrained. One early example dates back to 1973, when the television program of Manuel “El Loco” Valdés was censored amid reports of possible fines or detention. Although his grandson later described the incident as a severe governmental warning, it revealed a pattern that has since evolved into far subtler—and more dangerous—forms of control.





Today, censorship in Mexico is no longer always visible. Its boundaries are blurred, often taking the form of administrative pressure, ideological enforcement, or implicit threats. Education has become one of the most affected arenas. Government influence has expanded deeply into the educational system, accompanied by what critics describe as narco-related pressure that erodes academic autonomy and suppresses freedom of expression among teachers and students alike. Journalists and independent communicators operating outside academic institutions face similar restrictions (1)(2).

The term narco-political describes a system in which those in power are constrained by the interests of drug trafficking networks. Politicians may not be drug traffickers themselves, but they operate with the understanding that confronting organized crime is off-limits. Anyone within their circle can function as the eyes and ears of the narco. The result is an unspoken alliance between political authority and criminal power. Bolivia and Venezuela are often cited as comparable cases.

Within education, this dynamic manifests as a political-educational and narco-educational structure, where institutions are shaped by political directives rather than academic principles. If the state itself operates under narco influence, that ideology inevitably reaches classrooms and campuses. Educational institutions can become channels for laundering money, facilitating international criminal routes, or sheltering student populations tied to narco families.

This convergence leads to what is described as narco-communism: a system in which education is steered toward an ideological model that tolerates or favors criminal activity under the banner of political control. If allowed to continue, Mexico risks following the path of Venezuela and potentially Colombia. Political offices may eventually be occupied not by compliant administrators but by narcos openly posing as politicians. Figures such as Evo Morales and Nicolás Maduro are frequently cited in this context (3).

Even before Andrés Manuel López Obrador publicly attacked university autonomy—branding institutions as neoliberal and imposing drastic budget cuts on research bodies like CIDE and CONACYT—Mexico’s educational system was already burdened by accusations of corruption linked to narco-political networks (4).

Concerns have also been raised over school textbooks containing ideological content viewed as communist indoctrination, as well as the creation of government-aligned Benito Juárez Universities, where admissions processes reportedly lack academic rigor. These conditions increase the risk of institutional capture.

Outside academia, ordinary citizens face growing consequences. SEDENA has reportedly singled out social media users critical of the government, including independent reporters operating on platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube (1).

The drift toward a narco-communist future is not hypothetical. Mexico displays many of the warning signs: restrictions on free expression, expanding state control, and ideological alignment with authoritarian regimes. Government actions often signal sympathy toward communist governments. Former Bolivian president Evo Morales’ lecture at UNAM in November 2019, shortly after his arrival in Mexico as an exile, and public statements by Claudia Sheinbaum expressing solidarity with Cuba and opposition to U.S. policy on Venezuela, illustrate this trend (5).

References

  1. Freedom on the Net 2024 Country Report – Mexico. Mexico continues to be one of the world’s deadliest countries for journalists and online reporters face legal threats, harassment, and surveillance abuses. The Secretariat of National Defense (SEDENA) has used cyber monitoring against social media critics. https://freedomhouse.org/country/mexico/freedom-net/2024?utm_source=chatgpt.com

  2. Mexico: Online Free Speech at Risk – Human Rights Watch warns that proposed regulation of social media and state influence threatens free expression.  https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/14/mexico-online-free-speech-risk?utm_source=chatgpt.com

  3. Events in Bolivia’s and Venezuela’s political context: multiple sources document international solidarity stances and political alignments in Latin America. https://unamglobal.unam.mx/2019/01/23/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

  4. Will a new president end Mexico’s stand-off over university policy? – Research center CIDE faced funding cuts and restrictions on academic freedom under the López Obrador administration. https://www.timeshighereducation.com/depth/will-new-president-end-mexicos-stand-over-university-policy?utm_source=chatgpt.com

  5. Reuters (2025) – Controversial telecommunications bill interpreted as a potential censorship tool; President Sheinbaum considered revising it after critics said it could limit free speech.
    https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/mexico-president-open-modifying-telecoms-bill-after-censorship-accusations-2025-04-25/?utm_source=chatgpt.com