HOW DEEP IS THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MEXICAN SCHOOLS AND THE GOVERNMENT?

Now, speaking about contemporary history, we have the Tecnológico de Monterrey, a university that, in my opinion, has developed a politically and economically significant presence in Mexico.

The university continuously emphasizes that it has all kinds of alliances, agreements, partnerships, and cooperation arrangements with the Government of the State of Nuevo León. Beginning in 2007, its students began appearing at Fudan University in Shanghai, China. Just as you could see them at Fudan, you could also see them inside the Mexican Consulate in Shanghai, China, beginning during their first weeks of classes.

It is also easy to find public statements indicating that the Tecnológico de Monterrey has agreements, partnerships, and academic relationships with Chinese universities and institutions.

What can be easily observed, at least from my perspective and from what I personally witnessed, is the political and governmental support that appears to be available to students and administrators associated with Tecnológico de Monterrey. I have not personally observed the same level of access or support being provided to Mexican students or administrators from other Mexican universities.

Of course, this should not necessarily come as a surprise. According to the Mexican media outlet Expansión, Tecnológico de Monterrey recruited several members of former President Vicente Fox's political circle at the end of his presidential administration.

This raises an important question:

HOW DEEP IS THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MEXICAN SCHOOLS AND THE GOVERNMENT?

I just watched the finale of House of the Dragon Season 3, in which Rhaenyra has Alyn kill the High Septon because the religious leader refuses to validate her claim to the throne.

And just as we see in television, in real history, Western kings often needed the approval or legitimacy of religious authorities. Even today, we continue to see political tendencies to use religion as a source of power and influence, particularly as a way of convincing the population that a government and its leaders are trustworthy, legitimate, or worthy of support.

Even China is not completely exempt from recognizing the political importance of religious authority. The Chinese government recognizes Gyaincain Norbu as the 11th Panchen Lama. I remember that during one of my trips to Beijing, I passed by the exterior of the building where he was being protected. Honestly, I had never seen such a high level of security. From my perspective, the building appeared to have extremely strong protective measures, including what seemed to me to be bullet-resistant glass.

Now, let us talk about Mexico.

In Mexico, Catholicism and Christianity have historically been dominant religious influences among the population. In real political history, one of the Mexican political figures who visibly incorporated religious imagery into his political campaign was Vicente Fox, although, in my view, this was relatively brief.

What interests me even more, however, is that Vicente Fox also relied heavily on the educational sector in Mexico. In fact, from my perspective, he appeared to place even greater attention on education than on religious symbolism.

In my personal opinion, there is a marriage between government and education in Mexico, and this is something I strongly oppose.

That is why, in contemporary Mexico, I believe we are witnessing a kind of political-educational marriage. But we are not dealing with fundamentally different human beings from those who existed in previous periods of history.

In the real history of our time, we continue to see political figures who resemble historical figures such as Napoleon, who, in Jacques-Louis David's famous painting of his coronation, was crowned as Emperor in the presence of Pope Pius VII. We also see figures who, in my view, can be compared metaphorically to Rhaenyra, seeking legitimacy and power through institutions capable of influencing society.

So I ask:

What prevents Mexican politicians from damaging Mexico's educational system for personal or political purposes?

What prevents political authorities from removing teachers or students who disagree with their way of thinking, or simply because those individuals are not considered useful, convenient, or politically favorable?

The truth is that, in my opinion, nothing prevents it.

And I believe that this has already been happening for a very long time.

This is why I believe we need to look much more carefully at the relationship between political power and education in Mexico. Education should belong to society, to students, to teachers, to researchers, and to the pursuit of knowledge—not to political interests.

When education becomes too closely connected to political power, the danger is not only that governments can influence what people learn. The deeper danger is that political power can begin to influence who is allowed to teach, who is allowed to participate, whose ideas are considered acceptable, and who is pushed aside.

That is the issue that concerns me.

And that is why I believe we should continue asking:

How deep is the relationship between Mexican schools and the government?

And perhaps an even more important question is:

At what point does cooperation between education and government become political control over education?

The Weaponization of Education in Mexico: Political Control and Coercion

 The Weaponization of Education in Mexico: Political Control and Coercion

Freedom of expression in Mexico is effectively constrained and has long been subject to political pressures. Historical examples illustrate this dynamic: during the controversy over Manuel “El Loco” Valdés’ television program in 1973, there were threats of fines or even detention, revealing how state pressure was used against cultural expression. Although his grandson clarified that the government’s action was mainly a harsh warning—reflecting an era when national icons were supposedly untouchable—this episode foreshadowed deeper tensions between power and expression. Over time, such state interventions have become less overt and easier to obscure, making it harder to discern the limits that can be imposed through censorship, fines, or even implicit threats.

Today, in Mexico there is a greater degree of governmental influence over public discourse, including within educational institutions. This influence often manifests as ideological pressure that can compromise academic autonomy and freedom of expression for both faculty and students. Beyond the academy, professional journalists and social media commentators also face systemic pressures that can chill or suppress independent voices.

Academic freedom and freedom of expression are currently under siege in multiple domains. Press freedom reports by organizations such as ARTICLE 19 document an environment in which journalists and media outlets face subtle and direct forms of censorship, including financial pressure and targeted harassment that influences media independence and editorial freedom. Governments at various levels have been shown to use official advertising allocations to shape coverage, an example of what is referred to as “soft censorship,” which can distort public debate and constrain pluralistic discourse.

The term narco-political describes a political system in which those in power are subject to the demands and decisions of criminal networks, especially drug trafficking organizations. In such a system, politicians may hold office knowing that they cannot confront narcotrafficking due to implicit or explicit reliance on power structures that benefit from criminal influence. This does not necessarily mean that all politicians are themselves criminals, but that they may be rendered unable to act independently of the interests of organized crime. This condition can be characterized as a kind of marriage between government and criminal influence, one that distorts democratic accountability and institutional integrity.

Relatedly, the concepts of political-educational and narco-educational imply that educational institutions can become subject to political agendas and external interests, eroding autonomous academic governance. When political power dominates curriculum decisions, staffing, funding mechanisms, and institutional priorities, the educational space ceases to be a neutral ground for learning and becomes aligned with the prevailing political project. This dynamic is said to extend beyond curriculum to include institutional direction, resource allocation, and even admissions processes, raising concerns that political logic, rather than meritocratic or pedagogical principles, drives educational outcomes.

Another term used in political critique is narco-communism, which blends the idea of authoritarian state control with alleged ideological conformity and economic influence tied to illicit structures. While not a formal academic classification, it has been used in discourse to describe the confluence of political power, ideological enforcement, and institutional capture in ways that shape policy and social life. Critics argue that if such influences are allowed to grow unchecked, Mexico could evolve into a governance model resembling that of Venezuela or other states where political and economic systems are tightly intertwined with authoritarian control.

For example, debates over government control of telecommunications and media in Mexico have recently attracted international attention. In 2025, a controversial telecommunications bill faced criticism for its potential to concentrate state influence over media and digital platforms, with critics arguing that it represents an attempt to dominate media spaces under the guise of reform.

Criticism of academic freedom is not limited to media or digital expression. There have been documented incidents where governmental agencies issued directives to researchers at independent public institutions, such as the Center for Research and Teaching in Economics (CIDE), instructing them not to publish criticism of public officials on social media—a move that critics described as akin to a “gag order.”

Public commentary by intellectuals, artists, and academics in Mexico has also highlighted concerns about the state of freedom of expression, arguing that political leaders have at times used rhetoric and institutional power in ways that undermine open debate and pluralistic discourse. Groups of more than 600 intellectuals have publicly warned that political attacks on media and critics can have chilling effects on public discourse and academic engagement.

Reports by civil society organizations further underscore the severity of the challenges to free expression. Between 2018 and 2022, organizations documented hundreds of attacks against journalists and media workers, including harassment, intimidation, and physical violence, many of which go unpunished. In 2022 alone, documented attacks against the press reached levels that made that year one of the most dangerous for journalists in Mexico since monitoring began more than a decade ago.

These documented patterns, together with controversies over educational content, institutional controls, and state discourse, illustrate a broader context in which freedom of expression and academic autonomy face sustained pressures. What may once have been understood as isolated incidents of censorship now appears embedded in complex mechanisms of influence and control that affect public discourse, media independence, and the intellectual freedom of Mexican society.

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References

1. ARTICLE 19. Soft censorship and press freedom in Mexico. https://www.article19.org/resources/mexico-soft-censorship-poses-significant-dangers-press-freedom/

2. Reuters. Mexico president open to modifying telecoms bill after censorship accusations (2025). https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/mexico-president-open-modifying-telecoms-bill-after-censorship-accusations-2025-04-25/

3. Latinus. Gobierno defiende orden para que académicos del CIDE no emitan críticas en redes sociales. https://latinus.us/mexico/2023/6/19/gobierno-de-amlo-defiende-orden-para-que-academicos-del-cide-no-emitan-criticas-en-redes-sociales-90396.html

4. Intellectuals and academics warning about threats to freedom of expression under AMLO. https://politica.expansion.mx/mexico/2020/09/17/amlo-intenta-socavar-la-libertad-de-expresion-acusan-mas-600-personalidades

5. ARTICLE 19 reporting on press freedom and violence against journalists in Mexico (2025).  https://www.article19.org/resources/mexico-amlo-attacks-article-19-on-world-press-freedom-day/

When The Education in Mexico Becomes an Instrument of Political Control, and Coercion

 

When The Education in Mexico Becomes an Instrument of Political Control, and Coercion

Freedom of expression in Mexico faces increasing and persistent pressure, especially when it comes to critical discourse toward those in power or when it intersects with public education and pedagogical content. This situation is not new, but it has evolved over time, becoming more complex and less visible, blending ideological debates, institutional control, and controversies over educational content.

Historical Censorship and Its Evolution

An early precedent of media censorship in Mexico was the controversy surrounding the television program of Manuel “El Loco” Valdés in 1973, which faced governmental pressure over content considered offensive or harmful. This type of censorship, although occurring in different contexts, demonstrates that the control of discourse has been a constant in the country’s media and cultural history.

Today, however, the limits of freedom of expression are less clear and more sophisticated, involving debates over educational content, budget cuts to autonomous research institutions, and institutional mechanisms that may restrict critical debate.

Political Influence in Education and Curricular Content

1. Controversy Over Free Textbooks

The Ministry of Public Education (SEP) and the National Commission for Free Textbooks (Conaliteg) have promoted new textbooks for basic education that have generated a wave of criticism over alleged ideological bias and factual inaccuracies. These protests come from political opponents who argue that the books contain ideological content, errors, and biases that could influence students’ formation [1].

In several opposition-led states such as Jalisco, Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Yucatán, authorities resisted the distribution of these materials due to concerns about their educational quality and possible ideological content, leading to legal disputes and appeals before the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation (SCJN) [2].

Opponents have argued that these textbooks are part of an educational project that subordinates pedagogy to political interests, while the federal government has defended their quality, asserting that they were developed by specialists and teachers [1].

2. Censorship and Freedom of Expression in Media and Education

Freedom of expression in Mexico faces challenges not only in education but also in journalism and culture. Human rights organizations have reported that judicial and political harassment against journalists and independent media has increased in recent years, representing a contemporary form of censorship [3].

Additionally, academic documentation and surveys indicate a difficult environment for free expression in Mexico, with attacks, intimidation, and “silenced zones” affecting journalists and human rights defenders [4].

A related case of artistic censorship occurred in 2025, when a judge ordered the closure of an exhibition at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), arguing that it violated religious freedom, sparking debate about the limits of cultural free expression [5].

Terminology and Key Concepts

Narco-Political

This term refers to a system in which political figures hold office knowing they cannot openly confront organized crime structures due to interests, links, or dependence on the de facto power wielded by drug cartels. This creates an interrelationship between authorities and criminal structures, affecting governance and public security.

Although there is serious academic research on the relationship between organized crime and politics in Mexico—such as studies on candidate assassinations, armed group influence, and territorial control—the concept of “narco-political” as a sociological category remains subject to critical analysis by security and political researchers [7].

Political-Educational and Narco-Educational

These terms describe dynamics in which educational guidelines and decisions are heavily influenced by political interests, whether governmental or associated with power groups (including, in some critical analyses, criminal organizations). This can translate into:

• School textbooks designed without broad pedagogical consultation.

• Content reflecting explicit or implicit ideological agendas.

• Educational institutions subjected to budgetary and administrative controls based on political criteria.

Narco-Communism (Critical Term)

This is a rhetorical construct combining notions of authoritarian state control, influence of illegal economies on political structures, and the presence of political ideologies (such as communism) in public institutions. It is not a formally recognized academic term, but it is used in critical discourse to describe a vision of sociopolitical transformation that blends authoritarianism with alleged criminal or ideological influence.

Historical Background and Contemporary Cases

Budget Cuts to Research Institutions

Institutions such as CIDE and CONACYT have faced significant budget cuts across different administrations, justified by arguments of reorganization, austerity, or shifting priorities. These measures have drawn criticism from academics and researchers who argue that such policies undermine academic autonomy and critical research.

Debate on Freedom of Expression and Social Media

With digital evolution, censorship and restrictions on free expression have also emerged in the online sphere. Social media users critical of government institutions have faced blocking, public targeting, or legal processes, alongside proposals for increased state regulation of telecommunications and digital platforms [6].

Conclusion

The relationship between politics and education in Mexico represents a highly conflictive and deeply politicized field, where controversies over educational content, political influence over institutions, and real or perceived restrictions on free expression intersect. While the claim of a “narco-communist” framework can be interpreted as a strong critical stance, there is public evidence of tensions between the state and civil society regarding:

1. Textbooks and educational content perceived as ideological by some sectors [2].

2. Legal and judicial controversies surrounding freedom of expression and publications [3].

3. Debates over media regulation and public discourse on social media and telecommunications [6].

The confrontation between political agendas and academic autonomy remains one of the most debated issues in contemporary Mexico.

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Verified References

1. AMLO says ‘nothing to fear’ in controversial new school textbooks. Mexico News Daily. 
   https://mexiconewsdaily.com/politics/amlo-says-nothing-to-fear-in-controversial-new-school-textbooks/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

2. 4 opposition-governed states refuse to distribute new textbooks. Mexico News Daily. 
   https://mexiconewsdaily.com/news/4-states-refuse-new-textbooks/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

3. Article 19 denounces that judicial harassment is the new form of censorship and persecution of journalists in Mexico. El País. 
   https://elpais.com/mexico/2025-08-26/articulo-19-denuncia-que-el-acoso-judicial-es-la-nueva-forma-de-censura-y-persecucion-a-periodistas-en-mexico.html?utm_source=chatgpt.com

4.  The rule of law and freedom of expression in Mexico. El Colegio de México Repository. https://repositorio.colmex.mx/catalog?f%5Bsubject_sim%5D%5B%5D=Libertad+de+expresi%C3%B3n&locale=en&per_page=20&sort=date_created_sim+desc&utm_source=chatgpt.com

5. A judge orders UNAM to close the exhibition 'The Coming of the Lord' by artist Fabián Cháirez for “violating religious freedom” . El País.
   https://elpais.com/mexico/2025-03-06/un-juez-ordena-a-la-unam-cerrar-la-exposicion-la-venida-del-senor-del-artista-fabian-chairez-por-vulnerar-la-libertad-religiosa.html?utm_source=chatgpt.com

6. Mexico president open to modifying telecoms bill after censorship accusations. Reuters.
    https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/mexico-president-open-modifying-telecoms-bill-after-censorship-accusations-2025-04-25/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

7. Academic research on organized crime and politics in Mexico. arXiv.  https://arxiv.org/abs/2407.06733?utm_source=chatgpt.com

My Experience and Interactions with the Monterrey Institute of Technology Program in China

My Experience and Interactions with the Monterrey Institute of Technology Program in China

By：Jossalberto Briceno Saenz

The following account reflects my personal experiences while studying and working at Fudan University in Shanghai, China. It is based on my firsthand observations, events that I personally experienced, and information that was communicated directly to me by faculty members and university administrators during that period.

During my time at Fudan University, I was appointed by the university to serve as a translator during meetings between representatives of Tecnológico de Monterrey (Monterrey Institute of Technology) and Fudan University. At that time, Tecnológico de Monterrey was expanding its academic program in China by sending Mexican students to study Chinese language and participate in educational exchange activities.

In addition to my translation duties, Fudan University appointed me as Director of the Spanish-Speaking Student Association. I also served as a volunteer Spanish instructor, contributed as a columnist for the university newspaper, and represented the university at various academic and cultural activities involving Spanish-speaking students and visiting delegations.

Beginning in approximately 2009, I experienced what I perceived to be a sustained pattern of harassment, intimidation, and pressure from individuals associated with Tecnológico de Monterrey, including members of its administrative staff and students participating in its China program.

I personally received repeated telephone calls from individuals who identified themselves as being associated with Tecnológico de Monterrey. During these calls, I was repeatedly urged to resign from my university positions, withdraw from my activities at Fudan University, and leave China voluntarily. Some callers also stated that I should stop participating in university affairs and that I should no longer represent Mexican students or work with Fudan University.

I also received telephone calls from individuals who identified themselves as being connected to the Mexican government or to influential political figures in Mexico. Those callers questioned my activities in China, requested that I report to the Mexican Embassy or Consulate to identify myself, and expressed concern about my academic and professional work. Based on these repeated contacts, I believed that my activities were being monitored.

In addition to the telephone calls, I experienced repeated intimidation from certain students affiliated with the Tecnológico de Monterrey program. I received threatening telephone calls, was verbally harassed, and on several occasions I was physically assaulted on the Fudan University campus by individuals whom I identified as students participating in that program. During these incidents, I recall being told words to the effect that "Death is waiting for you in Mexico," and that I would face serious consequences if I returned there. Those statements caused me genuine fear for my personal safety.

Several members of the Fudan University administration later informed me that representatives of Tecnológico de Monterrey had requested that I be removed from my university positions and activities. Because I had been a long-time student at Fudan University, some faculty members spoke openly with me about these concerns. One professor personally showed me emails that she stated had been sent by representatives of Tecnológico de Monterrey requesting that my participation at the university be terminated.

Although I cannot independently verify the motives behind those communications, I was informed that requests had been made to remove me from my teaching responsibilities, my leadership position within the Spanish-speaking student association, and other university activities. Over time, I was removed from the university newspaper, where I had served as a columnist, I was instructed to discontinue teaching Spanish, and another instructor associated with Tecnológico de Monterrey later assumed those teaching responsibilities.

The cumulative effect of these events had a profound impact on my academic career, my professional opportunities, and my personal well-being. I became increasingly fearful for my safety and deliberately avoided contact with individuals whom I believed were involved in the harassment. My participation in university life steadily diminished until I had effectively lost the positions and opportunities that I had previously earned.

Based on my personal experiences, the repeated threats, the pressure to leave China, the communications I received from individuals identifying themselves as connected to Tecnológico de Monterrey and the Mexican government, the information provided to me by Fudan University personnel, and the actions taken against me, I came to believe that there was a coordinated effort to exclude me from academic life in China and silence my professional activities.

This statement reflects my personal recollection of the events as I experienced them. Where I describe information provided by others, I have identified it as such. My purpose is to accurately document my experiences and explain why those events continue to affect me today.

The consequences of these experiences did not end when I left China. They continue to shape my fear of returning to Mexico. If I experienced years of intimidation, harassment, threats, and pressure while living thousands of miles away in another country, I genuinely fear what could happen if I were forced to return to Mexico.

That fear has only intensified because I was repeatedly told that "Death is waiting for you in Mexico," and later, "I WILL BE KILLED IN MEXICO." Those statements were not isolated remarks. They became part of a continuing pattern of intimidation that has remained with me for many years.

I cannot predict the future, but the experiences I lived through have left me with a genuine and well-founded fear for my safety. The question that continues to remain in my mind is whether those warnings were merely attempts to intimidate me—or whether they reflected a real danger that still awaits me if I return to Mexico.

When Education in Mexico Becomes a Tool of Political Control

 When Education in Mexico Becomes a Tool of Political Control

Freedom of expression in Mexico has long been under political pressure, to the point where it is now effectively constrained. One early example dates back to 1973, when the television program of Manuel “El Loco” Valdés was censored amid reports of possible fines or detention. Although his grandson later described the incident as a severe governmental warning, it revealed a pattern that has since evolved into far subtler—and more dangerous—forms of control.

Today, censorship in Mexico is no longer always visible. Its boundaries are blurred, often taking the form of administrative pressure, ideological enforcement, or implicit threats. Education has become one of the most affected arenas. Government influence has expanded deeply into the educational system, accompanied by what critics describe as narco-related pressure that erodes academic autonomy and suppresses freedom of expression among teachers and students alike. Journalists and independent communicators operating outside academic institutions face similar restrictions (1)(2).

The term narco-political describes a system in which those in power are constrained by the interests of drug trafficking networks. Politicians may not be drug traffickers themselves, but they operate with the understanding that confronting organized crime is off-limits. Anyone within their circle can function as the eyes and ears of the narco. The result is an unspoken alliance between political authority and criminal power. Bolivia and Venezuela are often cited as comparable cases.

Within education, this dynamic manifests as a political-educational and narco-educational structure, where institutions are shaped by political directives rather than academic principles. If the state itself operates under narco influence, that ideology inevitably reaches classrooms and campuses. Educational institutions can become channels for laundering money, facilitating international criminal routes, or sheltering student populations tied to narco families.

This convergence leads to what is described as narco-communism: a system in which education is steered toward an ideological model that tolerates or favors criminal activity under the banner of political control. If allowed to continue, Mexico risks following the path of Venezuela and potentially Colombia. Political offices may eventually be occupied not by compliant administrators but by narcos openly posing as politicians. Figures such as Evo Morales and Nicolás Maduro are frequently cited in this context (3).

Even before Andrés Manuel López Obrador publicly attacked university autonomy—branding institutions as neoliberal and imposing drastic budget cuts on research bodies like CIDE and CONACYT—Mexico’s educational system was already burdened by accusations of corruption linked to narco-political networks (4).

Concerns have also been raised over school textbooks containing ideological content viewed as communist indoctrination, as well as the creation of government-aligned Benito Juárez Universities, where admissions processes reportedly lack academic rigor. These conditions increase the risk of institutional capture.

Outside academia, ordinary citizens face growing consequences. SEDENA has reportedly singled out social media users critical of the government, including independent reporters operating on platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube (1).

The drift toward a narco-communist future is not hypothetical. Mexico displays many of the warning signs: restrictions on free expression, expanding state control, and ideological alignment with authoritarian regimes. Government actions often signal sympathy toward communist governments. Former Bolivian president Evo Morales’ lecture at UNAM in November 2019, shortly after his arrival in Mexico as an exile, and public statements by Claudia Sheinbaum expressing solidarity with Cuba and opposition to U.S. policy on Venezuela, illustrate this trend (5).

References

1. Freedom on the Net 2024 Country Report – Mexico. Mexico continues to be one of the world’s deadliest countries for journalists and online reporters face legal threats, harassment, and surveillance abuses. The Secretariat of National Defense (SEDENA) has used cyber monitoring against social media critics. https://freedomhouse.org/country/mexico/freedom-net/2024?utm_source=chatgpt.com

2. Mexico: Online Free Speech at Risk – Human Rights Watch warns that proposed regulation of social media and state influence threatens free expression.  https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/14/mexico-online-free-speech-risk?utm_source=chatgpt.com

3. Events in Bolivia’s and Venezuela’s political context: multiple sources document international solidarity stances and political alignments in Latin America. https://unamglobal.unam.mx/2019/01/23/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

4. Will a new president end Mexico’s stand-off over university policy? – Research center CIDE faced funding cuts and restrictions on academic freedom under the López Obrador administration. https://www.timeshighereducation.com/depth/will-new-president-end-mexicos-stand-over-university-policy?utm_source=chatgpt.com

5. Reuters (2025) – Controversial telecommunications bill interpreted as a potential censorship tool; President Sheinbaum considered revising it after critics said it could limit free speech.
   https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/mexico-president-open-modifying-telecoms-bill-after-censorship-accusations-2025-04-25/?utm_source=chatgpt.com