When Education in Mexico Becomes a Tool of Political Control

Freedom of expression in Mexico has long been under political pressure, to the point where it is now effectively constrained. One early example dates back to 1973, when the television program of Manuel “El Loco” Valdés was censored amid reports of possible fines or detention. Although his grandson later described the incident as a severe governmental warning, it revealed a pattern that has since evolved into far subtler—and more dangerous—forms of control.

Today, censorship in Mexico is no longer always visible. Its boundaries are blurred, often taking the form of administrative pressure, ideological enforcement, or implicit threats. Education has become one of the most affected arenas. Government influence has expanded deeply into the educational system, accompanied by what critics describe as narco-related pressure that erodes academic autonomy and suppresses freedom of expression among teachers and students alike. Journalists and independent communicators operating outside academic institutions face similar restrictions (1)(2).

The term narco-political describes a system in which those in power are constrained by the interests of drug trafficking networks. Politicians may not be drug traffickers themselves, but they operate with the understanding that confronting organized crime is off-limits. Anyone within their circle can function as the eyes and ears of the narco. The result is an unspoken alliance between political authority and criminal power. Bolivia and Venezuela are often cited as comparable cases.

Within education, this dynamic manifests as a political-educational and narco-educational structure, where institutions are shaped by political directives rather than academic principles. If the state itself operates under narco influence, that ideology inevitably reaches classrooms and campuses. Educational institutions can become channels for laundering money, facilitating international criminal routes, or sheltering student populations tied to narco families.

This convergence leads to what is described as narco-communism: a system in which education is steered toward an ideological model that tolerates or favors criminal activity under the banner of political control. If allowed to continue, Mexico risks following the path of Venezuela and potentially Colombia. Political offices may eventually be occupied not by compliant administrators but by narcos openly posing as politicians. Figures such as Evo Morales and Nicolás Maduro are frequently cited in this context (3).

Even before Andrés Manuel López Obrador publicly attacked university autonomy—branding institutions as neoliberal and imposing drastic budget cuts on research bodies like CIDE and CONACYT—Mexico’s educational system was already burdened by accusations of corruption linked to narco-political networks (4).

Concerns have also been raised over school textbooks containing ideological content viewed as communist indoctrination, as well as the creation of government-aligned Benito Juárez Universities, where admissions processes reportedly lack academic rigor. These conditions increase the risk of institutional capture.

Outside academia, ordinary citizens face growing consequences. SEDENA has reportedly singled out social media users critical of the government, including independent reporters operating on platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube (1).

The drift toward a narco-communist future is not hypothetical. Mexico displays many of the warning signs: restrictions on free expression, expanding state control, and ideological alignment with authoritarian regimes. Government actions often signal sympathy toward communist governments. Former Bolivian president Evo Morales’ lecture at UNAM in November 2019, shortly after his arrival in Mexico as an exile, and public statements by Claudia Sheinbaum expressing solidarity with Cuba and opposition to U.S. policy on Venezuela, illustrate this trend (5).

References

1. Freedom on the Net 2024 Country Report – Mexico. Mexico continues to be one of the world’s deadliest countries for journalists and online reporters face legal threats, harassment, and surveillance abuses. The Secretariat of National Defense (SEDENA) has used cyber monitoring against social media critics. https://freedomhouse.org/country/mexico/freedom-net/2024?utm_source=chatgpt.com

2. Mexico: Online Free Speech at Risk – Human Rights Watch warns that proposed regulation of social media and state influence threatens free expression.  https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/14/mexico-online-free-speech-risk?utm_source=chatgpt.com

3. Events in Bolivia’s and Venezuela’s political context: multiple sources document international solidarity stances and political alignments in Latin America. https://unamglobal.unam.mx/2019/01/23/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

4. Will a new president end Mexico’s stand-off over university policy? – Research center CIDE faced funding cuts and restrictions on academic freedom under the López Obrador administration. https://www.timeshighereducation.com/depth/will-new-president-end-mexicos-stand-over-university-policy?utm_source=chatgpt.com

5. Reuters (2025) – Controversial telecommunications bill interpreted as a potential censorship tool; President Sheinbaum considered revising it after critics said it could limit free speech.
   https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/mexico-president-open-modifying-telecoms-bill-after-censorship-accusations-2025-04-25/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

The Mutant Sheinbaum and the Reporter of a Thousand Questions: Collective Honesty and the New Communism Where All Mexicans Are Honest… According to Claudia

 The Mutant Sheinbaum and the Reporter of a Thousand Questions: Collective Honesty and the New Communism Where All Mexicans Are Honest… According to Claudia

By Dr. Jossalberto Briceno Saenz

In recent days, two comments have reminded me of the way communists speak: The first comes from Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum: “Mexicans who live in the United States are hardworking, honest men and women.” The second comment comes from a reporter at the September 3rd press conference with Secretary Marco Rubio. After Secretary of State Marco Rubio pointed out that he hadn’t asked a single question, but rather a bundle of questions, the reporter—so as not to lose face—excused himself by replying: “It’s something we also do in Mexico, ask multiple questions.”

First of all, Claudia Sheinbaum does not know each and every Mexican in the world. Unless she were the first Mexican mutant with powers of mind reading and telepathy, or the reincarnation of a goddess—Greek, Aztec, or otherwise, which I highly doubt—she cannot speak for all Mexicans. Likewise, at that disastrous press conference, that Mexican reporter who, in his selfishness, could not manage to ask a single question but instead had to throw into the air an endless list of questions that could just as easily have been asked by the other reporters present… that reporter does not represent Mexico either. Yet with zero honesty, he dared to stain the reputation of all Mexican reporters by saying that his flaw was not his own, but a supposed national custom.

Returning to the word “honesty,” which falls from the lips of Claudia Sheinbaum. I believe that reporter has slipped past Sheinbaum’s mental grasp because he wears Magneto’s “Anti-Psychic Helmet” every day, a helmet manufactured by the Soviet Union—or possibly MADE IN CHINA—designed to block the brainwaves of telepath Sheinbaum and protect him from her immense power. Something I sincerely, and immensely, doubt. That word honesty is something I do not see in that Mexican reporter, and frankly, I do not see it applied in many Mexicans. Please, just look at the crime statistics. I hope Claudia Sheinbaum does not contradict me by saying that all the honest Mexicans are in the United States and that the scum of the scum are all in Mexico.

I see Claudia Sheinbaum with communist tendencies. In her, I do not see patriotism but nationalism. A nationalism that has always existed in Mexico and that translates into xenophobia—a xenophobia that kills people for sharing their views if those views do not align with the political tastes of the regime. That is to say, nationalism in Mexico is applied from Mexicans toward Mexicans, not merely from Mexicans toward foreigners.

In Mexico, I do not see admiration or recognition from the population toward other Mexicans, except in cases where those Mexicans are first recognized abroad. Film directors Iñárritu, Cuarón, and Del Toro are an example. Only Mexicans who have achieved success abroad are admired, and therefore they do not feel the exclusion and contempt imposed by other Mexican individuals (the Crab Mentality).

An analysis of Claudia Sheinbaum’s résumé qualifies her as an environmentalist, but a deeper look at her past projects reveals a direction toward disguised communism, since they condition Mexico to a collectivist culture of common transportation rather than individual. Among the projects she has promoted are her promises that the government would allocate resources to public transport: infrastructure projects with an environmental axis to reduce emissions causing climate change, such as the Cablebús system, the Elevated Trolleybus, the purchase of electric buses for the Metrobús, and the renovation of the Passenger Transport Network with low-emission units.

Speaking of security, I do not see a radical change in national education, since, honestly, ethics and civics are in the gutter in Mexico. Are we really talking about all Mexicans being honest and well-behaved? Well then, explain to me why, since taking office, Sheinbaum announced a “significant transformation” in the public security of Mexico City with new divisions focused on civil protection, the creation of the SOS *765 hotline, and the construction of 710 kilometers of “safe pathways” under the slogan “Walk Free, Walk Safe,” designed to guarantee the safety of women in their daily movements through the city. If all Mexicans were honest, none of that would be needed.

I believe that in Mexico everything should begin by explaining to the entire population the meaning of the word honesty within civics and ethics classes, imparted nationally, in a MANDATORY way, for all and to all. Classes in which Claudia Sheinbaum herself should sit in the very first row, so that perhaps at her next press conference she finally understands what honesty and communism mean.

 

Former Journalists: A Permanent Target Even After Leaving the Media

By Jossalberto Briceno Saenz

Official narratives insist that attacks against journalists are solely linked to the active exercise of the profession. However, the facts reveal a much harsher reality: former journalists, those who have left their newsrooms, cameras, and broadcast studios, continue to be pursued and killed. The threat does not disappear with the resignation from a formal position; on the contrary, the risk often increases when journalists are outside the minimal protection provided by a media outlet.

Prominent Cases of Journalists Who Died After Leaving a Formal Position

Rubén Espinosa — July 31, 2015 (Mexico City).
Photojournalist and contributor to Proceso and Cuartoscuro. He fled Veracruz due to threats, leaving his work environment behind. Just weeks after leaving that “safe” environment, he was killed in Mexico City (El País, 2015)[1].

Leobardo Vázquez Atzin — March 22–23, 2018 (Veracruz).
He had worked in local media, but due to threats and lack of opportunities, he left formal positions and worked selling tacos. He was murdered at his home while performing that activity (The Guardian, 2018)[2].

María Guadalupe “Lourdes” Maldonado López — January 23, 2022 (Tijuana, Baja California).
Journalist with extensive experience in television and radio (Televisa, PSN). In her final years, she no longer had the backing of major media and worked independently, including digital streaming. She had publicly reported threats and sought protection. She was killed outside her home (Committee to Protect Journalists [CPJ], 2022[3]; Infobae, 2022[4]; El País, 2022[5]; Milenio, 2022[6]; ARTICLE 19, 2022[7]).

These cases illustrate a pattern: the risk does not disappear when a journalist leaves a media outlet; vulnerability multiplies.

The New Wave of Killings Under the Current Presidency

With the arrival of Mexico’s new president Claudia Sheinbaum (October 2024), violence against journalists has not ceased. Between October 1, 2024, and September 14, 2025, there were 10 confirmed journalist killings:

1. Mauricio Cruz Solís — October 29–30, 2024, Uruapan, Michoacán (Reuters, 2024)[8].

2. Patricia Ramírez González — October 30, 2024, registered by the UNESCO Observatory (UNESCO, 2024)[9].

3. Adriano Bachega (Adriano Bachega Olvera) — December 3, 2024, Monterrey, Nuevo León; Argentine naturalized journalist (Infobae, 2024)[10].

4. Calletano de Jesús Guerrero — January 17, 2025, State of Mexico (La Jornada, 2025)[11].

5. Alejandro Gallegos León — January 24–25, 2025, Cárdenas, Tabasco (El País, 2025)[12].

6. Jesús Alberto Camacho Rodríguez — February 20, 2025, remains identified in Culiacán (UNESCO, 2025)[13].

7. Kristian Uriel Martínez Zavala (Kristian Zavala) — March 2, 2025, Silao, Guanajuato (Reporters Without Borders [RSF], 2025)[14].

8. José Carlos González Herrera — May 15, 2025, Acapulco, Guerrero (RSF, 2025[15]; UNESCO, 2025[16]).

9. Ronald Paz Pedro — July 9, 2025, Guerrero (Artículo 19, 2025)[17].

10. Salomón Ordóñez Miranda — UNESCO statement, July 17, 2025 (UNESCO, 2025)[18].

This list confirms that, even with a change in government, the protection system remains weak and insufficient.

I will finish this article by saying that every time I call Mexico, I am violently reminded of why I left in the first place. In recent months, I have repeatedly tried to reach former classmates from my university journalism courses and even some of my professors. Let me tell you: it is nearly impossible for them to pick up the phone. And the excuse is always the same—fear. Fear of the relentless violence that has gripped their country.

Everything they tell me sounds like a scene ripped straight out of a war movie. They are terrified that my call could be intercepted or that it could come from the very people who are threatening them. The most shocking case is Guillermo García—on his newscast at 89.1 La Mejor and as Director of the Communication Sciences program at ULSAB University. Multiple times, he has refused my calls, paralyzed by fear that they could be threats aimed at him.

Just hearing my name seems enough. I get the sense that the moment they see it on their phone, that alone is reason enough not to answer. This fear has cost me friendships; people who once were close no longer dare to have any contact with me.

This is the harsh reality: journalists in Mexico live in constant terror. Every call, every conversation, every connection is shadowed by the threat of violence. And that is why I left—and why the ones left behind are still trapped in a nightmare.

Conclusion

Journalism in Mexico has become a high-risk profession that does not end with resigning from a newsroom. The cases of Rubén Espinosa, Leobardo Vázquez, and Lourdes Maldonado show that former journalists remain targets, that threats are real, and that leaving a formal media position does not guarantee safety.

The real problem lies in two factors:

1. The face of power — Politicians, drug traffickers, and businesspeople who will not tolerate losing prestige or “losing face” in front of public opinion.

2. Corruption and complicity — In some cases, other reporters or colleagues facilitated the location of victims, exposing their new workplaces or residences.

From my perspective, good journalists in Mexico are today either dead or in hiding. And most alarming: even leaving a formal media outlet does not guarantee escape from danger.

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References

1. El País. (2015, August 1). Photographer Rubén Espinosa murdered in Mexico City. El País.

2. The Guardian. (2018, March). Mexican journalist Leobardo Vázquez murdered.

3. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). (2022). Mexico: Lourdes Maldonado killed.

4. Infobae. (2022). The murder of Lourdes Maldonado.

5. El País. (2022). Chronicle of Lourdes Maldonado’s assassination.

6. Milenio. (2022). Lourdes Maldonado had reported threats.

7. ARTICLE 19. (2022). Report on journalist threats and murders in Mexico.

8. Reuters. (2024, October). Journalist Mauricio Cruz killed in Uruapan, Michoacán.

9. UNESCO. (2024). Statement on the killing of Patricia Ramírez González.

10. Infobae. (2024, December). Journalist Adriano Bachega murdered in Monterrey.

11. La Jornada. (2025, January). Calletano de Jesús Guerrero killed in State of Mexico.

12. El País. (2025, January). Journalist Alejandro Gallegos León killed in Tabasco.

13. UNESCO. (2025, February). Remains of Jesús Alberto Camacho identified in Culiacán.

14. Reporters Without Borders (RSF). (2025, March). Kristian Zavala killed in Guanajuato.

15. Reporters Without Borders (RSF). (2025, May). José Carlos González Herrera killed in Guerrero.

16. UNESCO. (2025, May). Statement on José Carlos González Herrera’s murder in Acapulco.

17. Artículo 19. (2025, July). Ronald Paz Pedro killed in Guerrero.

18. UNESCO. (2025, July). Statement on photographer Salomón Ordóñez Miranda.