When The Education in Mexico Becomes an Instrument of Political Control, and Coercion

 

When The Education in Mexico Becomes an Instrument of Political Control, and Coercion

Freedom of expression in Mexico faces increasing and persistent pressure, especially when it comes to critical discourse toward those in power or when it intersects with public education and pedagogical content. This situation is not new, but it has evolved over time, becoming more complex and less visible, blending ideological debates, institutional control, and controversies over educational content.

Historical Censorship and Its Evolution

An early precedent of media censorship in Mexico was the controversy surrounding the television program of Manuel “El Loco” Valdés in 1973, which faced governmental pressure over content considered offensive or harmful. This type of censorship, although occurring in different contexts, demonstrates that the control of discourse has been a constant in the country’s media and cultural history.

Today, however, the limits of freedom of expression are less clear and more sophisticated, involving debates over educational content, budget cuts to autonomous research institutions, and institutional mechanisms that may restrict critical debate.

Political Influence in Education and Curricular Content

1. Controversy Over Free Textbooks

The Ministry of Public Education (SEP) and the National Commission for Free Textbooks (Conaliteg) have promoted new textbooks for basic education that have generated a wave of criticism over alleged ideological bias and factual inaccuracies. These protests come from political opponents who argue that the books contain ideological content, errors, and biases that could influence students’ formation [1].

In several opposition-led states such as Jalisco, Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Yucatán, authorities resisted the distribution of these materials due to concerns about their educational quality and possible ideological content, leading to legal disputes and appeals before the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation (SCJN) [2].

Opponents have argued that these textbooks are part of an educational project that subordinates pedagogy to political interests, while the federal government has defended their quality, asserting that they were developed by specialists and teachers [1].

2. Censorship and Freedom of Expression in Media and Education

Freedom of expression in Mexico faces challenges not only in education but also in journalism and culture. Human rights organizations have reported that judicial and political harassment against journalists and independent media has increased in recent years, representing a contemporary form of censorship [3].

Additionally, academic documentation and surveys indicate a difficult environment for free expression in Mexico, with attacks, intimidation, and “silenced zones” affecting journalists and human rights defenders [4].

A related case of artistic censorship occurred in 2025, when a judge ordered the closure of an exhibition at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), arguing that it violated religious freedom, sparking debate about the limits of cultural free expression [5].

Terminology and Key Concepts

Narco-Political

This term refers to a system in which political figures hold office knowing they cannot openly confront organized crime structures due to interests, links, or dependence on the de facto power wielded by drug cartels. This creates an interrelationship between authorities and criminal structures, affecting governance and public security.

Although there is serious academic research on the relationship between organized crime and politics in Mexico—such as studies on candidate assassinations, armed group influence, and territorial control—the concept of “narco-political” as a sociological category remains subject to critical analysis by security and political researchers [7].

Political-Educational and Narco-Educational

These terms describe dynamics in which educational guidelines and decisions are heavily influenced by political interests, whether governmental or associated with power groups (including, in some critical analyses, criminal organizations). This can translate into:

• School textbooks designed without broad pedagogical consultation.

• Content reflecting explicit or implicit ideological agendas.

• Educational institutions subjected to budgetary and administrative controls based on political criteria.

Narco-Communism (Critical Term)

This is a rhetorical construct combining notions of authoritarian state control, influence of illegal economies on political structures, and the presence of political ideologies (such as communism) in public institutions. It is not a formally recognized academic term, but it is used in critical discourse to describe a vision of sociopolitical transformation that blends authoritarianism with alleged criminal or ideological influence.

Historical Background and Contemporary Cases

Budget Cuts to Research Institutions

Institutions such as CIDE and CONACYT have faced significant budget cuts across different administrations, justified by arguments of reorganization, austerity, or shifting priorities. These measures have drawn criticism from academics and researchers who argue that such policies undermine academic autonomy and critical research.

Debate on Freedom of Expression and Social Media

With digital evolution, censorship and restrictions on free expression have also emerged in the online sphere. Social media users critical of government institutions have faced blocking, public targeting, or legal processes, alongside proposals for increased state regulation of telecommunications and digital platforms [6].

Conclusion

The relationship between politics and education in Mexico represents a highly conflictive and deeply politicized field, where controversies over educational content, political influence over institutions, and real or perceived restrictions on free expression intersect. While the claim of a “narco-communist” framework can be interpreted as a strong critical stance, there is public evidence of tensions between the state and civil society regarding:

1. Textbooks and educational content perceived as ideological by some sectors [2].

2. Legal and judicial controversies surrounding freedom of expression and publications [3].

3. Debates over media regulation and public discourse on social media and telecommunications [6].

The confrontation between political agendas and academic autonomy remains one of the most debated issues in contemporary Mexico.

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Verified References

1. AMLO says ‘nothing to fear’ in controversial new school textbooks. Mexico News Daily. 
   https://mexiconewsdaily.com/politics/amlo-says-nothing-to-fear-in-controversial-new-school-textbooks/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

2. 4 opposition-governed states refuse to distribute new textbooks. Mexico News Daily. 
   https://mexiconewsdaily.com/news/4-states-refuse-new-textbooks/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

3. Article 19 denounces that judicial harassment is the new form of censorship and persecution of journalists in Mexico. El País. 
   https://elpais.com/mexico/2025-08-26/articulo-19-denuncia-que-el-acoso-judicial-es-la-nueva-forma-de-censura-y-persecucion-a-periodistas-en-mexico.html?utm_source=chatgpt.com

4.  The rule of law and freedom of expression in Mexico. El Colegio de México Repository. https://repositorio.colmex.mx/catalog?f%5Bsubject_sim%5D%5B%5D=Libertad+de+expresi%C3%B3n&locale=en&per_page=20&sort=date_created_sim+desc&utm_source=chatgpt.com

5. A judge orders UNAM to close the exhibition 'The Coming of the Lord' by artist Fabián Cháirez for “violating religious freedom” . El País.
   https://elpais.com/mexico/2025-03-06/un-juez-ordena-a-la-unam-cerrar-la-exposicion-la-venida-del-senor-del-artista-fabian-chairez-por-vulnerar-la-libertad-religiosa.html?utm_source=chatgpt.com

6. Mexico president open to modifying telecoms bill after censorship accusations. Reuters.
    https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/mexico-president-open-modifying-telecoms-bill-after-censorship-accusations-2025-04-25/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

7. Academic research on organized crime and politics in Mexico. arXiv.  https://arxiv.org/abs/2407.06733?utm_source=chatgpt.com

My Experience and Interactions with the Monterrey Institute of Technology Program in China

My Experience and Interactions with the Monterrey Institute of Technology Program in China

By：Jossalberto Briceno Saenz

The following account reflects my personal experiences while studying and working at Fudan University in Shanghai, China. It is based on my firsthand observations, events that I personally experienced, and information that was communicated directly to me by faculty members and university administrators during that period.

During my time at Fudan University, I was appointed by the university to serve as a translator during meetings between representatives of Tecnológico de Monterrey (Monterrey Institute of Technology) and Fudan University. At that time, Tecnológico de Monterrey was expanding its academic program in China by sending Mexican students to study Chinese language and participate in educational exchange activities.

In addition to my translation duties, Fudan University appointed me as Director of the Spanish-Speaking Student Association. I also served as a volunteer Spanish instructor, contributed as a columnist for the university newspaper, and represented the university at various academic and cultural activities involving Spanish-speaking students and visiting delegations.

Beginning in approximately 2009, I experienced what I perceived to be a sustained pattern of harassment, intimidation, and pressure from individuals associated with Tecnológico de Monterrey, including members of its administrative staff and students participating in its China program.

I personally received repeated telephone calls from individuals who identified themselves as being associated with Tecnológico de Monterrey. During these calls, I was repeatedly urged to resign from my university positions, withdraw from my activities at Fudan University, and leave China voluntarily. Some callers also stated that I should stop participating in university affairs and that I should no longer represent Mexican students or work with Fudan University.

I also received telephone calls from individuals who identified themselves as being connected to the Mexican government or to influential political figures in Mexico. Those callers questioned my activities in China, requested that I report to the Mexican Embassy or Consulate to identify myself, and expressed concern about my academic and professional work. Based on these repeated contacts, I believed that my activities were being monitored.

In addition to the telephone calls, I experienced repeated intimidation from certain students affiliated with the Tecnológico de Monterrey program. I received threatening telephone calls, was verbally harassed, and on several occasions I was physically assaulted on the Fudan University campus by individuals whom I identified as students participating in that program. During these incidents, I recall being told words to the effect that "Death is waiting for you in Mexico," and that I would face serious consequences if I returned there. Those statements caused me genuine fear for my personal safety.

Several members of the Fudan University administration later informed me that representatives of Tecnológico de Monterrey had requested that I be removed from my university positions and activities. Because I had been a long-time student at Fudan University, some faculty members spoke openly with me about these concerns. One professor personally showed me emails that she stated had been sent by representatives of Tecnológico de Monterrey requesting that my participation at the university be terminated.

Although I cannot independently verify the motives behind those communications, I was informed that requests had been made to remove me from my teaching responsibilities, my leadership position within the Spanish-speaking student association, and other university activities. Over time, I was removed from the university newspaper, where I had served as a columnist, I was instructed to discontinue teaching Spanish, and another instructor associated with Tecnológico de Monterrey later assumed those teaching responsibilities.

The cumulative effect of these events had a profound impact on my academic career, my professional opportunities, and my personal well-being. I became increasingly fearful for my safety and deliberately avoided contact with individuals whom I believed were involved in the harassment. My participation in university life steadily diminished until I had effectively lost the positions and opportunities that I had previously earned.

Based on my personal experiences, the repeated threats, the pressure to leave China, the communications I received from individuals identifying themselves as connected to Tecnológico de Monterrey and the Mexican government, the information provided to me by Fudan University personnel, and the actions taken against me, I came to believe that there was a coordinated effort to exclude me from academic life in China and silence my professional activities.

This statement reflects my personal recollection of the events as I experienced them. Where I describe information provided by others, I have identified it as such. My purpose is to accurately document my experiences and explain why those events continue to affect me today.

The consequences of these experiences did not end when I left China. They continue to shape my fear of returning to Mexico. If I experienced years of intimidation, harassment, threats, and pressure while living thousands of miles away in another country, I genuinely fear what could happen if I were forced to return to Mexico.

That fear has only intensified because I was repeatedly told that "Death is waiting for you in Mexico," and later, "I WILL BE KILLED IN MEXICO." Those statements were not isolated remarks. They became part of a continuing pattern of intimidation that has remained with me for many years.

I cannot predict the future, but the experiences I lived through have left me with a genuine and well-founded fear for my safety. The question that continues to remain in my mind is whether those warnings were merely attempts to intimidate me—or whether they reflected a real danger that still awaits me if I return to Mexico.

When Education in Mexico Becomes a Tool of Political Control

 When Education in Mexico Becomes a Tool of Political Control

Freedom of expression in Mexico has long been under political pressure, to the point where it is now effectively constrained. One early example dates back to 1973, when the television program of Manuel “El Loco” Valdés was censored amid reports of possible fines or detention. Although his grandson later described the incident as a severe governmental warning, it revealed a pattern that has since evolved into far subtler—and more dangerous—forms of control.

Today, censorship in Mexico is no longer always visible. Its boundaries are blurred, often taking the form of administrative pressure, ideological enforcement, or implicit threats. Education has become one of the most affected arenas. Government influence has expanded deeply into the educational system, accompanied by what critics describe as narco-related pressure that erodes academic autonomy and suppresses freedom of expression among teachers and students alike. Journalists and independent communicators operating outside academic institutions face similar restrictions (1)(2).

The term narco-political describes a system in which those in power are constrained by the interests of drug trafficking networks. Politicians may not be drug traffickers themselves, but they operate with the understanding that confronting organized crime is off-limits. Anyone within their circle can function as the eyes and ears of the narco. The result is an unspoken alliance between political authority and criminal power. Bolivia and Venezuela are often cited as comparable cases.

Within education, this dynamic manifests as a political-educational and narco-educational structure, where institutions are shaped by political directives rather than academic principles. If the state itself operates under narco influence, that ideology inevitably reaches classrooms and campuses. Educational institutions can become channels for laundering money, facilitating international criminal routes, or sheltering student populations tied to narco families.

This convergence leads to what is described as narco-communism: a system in which education is steered toward an ideological model that tolerates or favors criminal activity under the banner of political control. If allowed to continue, Mexico risks following the path of Venezuela and potentially Colombia. Political offices may eventually be occupied not by compliant administrators but by narcos openly posing as politicians. Figures such as Evo Morales and Nicolás Maduro are frequently cited in this context (3).

Even before Andrés Manuel López Obrador publicly attacked university autonomy—branding institutions as neoliberal and imposing drastic budget cuts on research bodies like CIDE and CONACYT—Mexico’s educational system was already burdened by accusations of corruption linked to narco-political networks (4).

Concerns have also been raised over school textbooks containing ideological content viewed as communist indoctrination, as well as the creation of government-aligned Benito Juárez Universities, where admissions processes reportedly lack academic rigor. These conditions increase the risk of institutional capture.

Outside academia, ordinary citizens face growing consequences. SEDENA has reportedly singled out social media users critical of the government, including independent reporters operating on platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube (1).

The drift toward a narco-communist future is not hypothetical. Mexico displays many of the warning signs: restrictions on free expression, expanding state control, and ideological alignment with authoritarian regimes. Government actions often signal sympathy toward communist governments. Former Bolivian president Evo Morales’ lecture at UNAM in November 2019, shortly after his arrival in Mexico as an exile, and public statements by Claudia Sheinbaum expressing solidarity with Cuba and opposition to U.S. policy on Venezuela, illustrate this trend (5).

References

1. Freedom on the Net 2024 Country Report – Mexico. Mexico continues to be one of the world’s deadliest countries for journalists and online reporters face legal threats, harassment, and surveillance abuses. The Secretariat of National Defense (SEDENA) has used cyber monitoring against social media critics. https://freedomhouse.org/country/mexico/freedom-net/2024?utm_source=chatgpt.com

2. Mexico: Online Free Speech at Risk – Human Rights Watch warns that proposed regulation of social media and state influence threatens free expression.  https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/14/mexico-online-free-speech-risk?utm_source=chatgpt.com

3. Events in Bolivia’s and Venezuela’s political context: multiple sources document international solidarity stances and political alignments in Latin America. https://unamglobal.unam.mx/2019/01/23/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

4. Will a new president end Mexico’s stand-off over university policy? – Research center CIDE faced funding cuts and restrictions on academic freedom under the López Obrador administration. https://www.timeshighereducation.com/depth/will-new-president-end-mexicos-stand-over-university-policy?utm_source=chatgpt.com

5. Reuters (2025) – Controversial telecommunications bill interpreted as a potential censorship tool; President Sheinbaum considered revising it after critics said it could limit free speech.
   https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/mexico-president-open-modifying-telecoms-bill-after-censorship-accusations-2025-04-25/?utm_source=chatgpt.com