Former Journalists: A Permanent Target Even After Leaving the Media

By Jossalberto Briceno Saenz

Official narratives insist that attacks against journalists are solely linked to the active exercise of the profession. However, the facts reveal a much harsher reality: former journalists, those who have left their newsrooms, cameras, and broadcast studios, continue to be pursued and killed. The threat does not disappear with the resignation from a formal position; on the contrary, the risk often increases when journalists are outside the minimal protection provided by a media outlet.

Prominent Cases of Journalists Who Died After Leaving a Formal Position

Rubén Espinosa — July 31, 2015 (Mexico City).
Photojournalist and contributor to Proceso and Cuartoscuro. He fled Veracruz due to threats, leaving his work environment behind. Just weeks after leaving that “safe” environment, he was killed in Mexico City (El País, 2015)[1].

Leobardo Vázquez Atzin — March 22–23, 2018 (Veracruz).
He had worked in local media, but due to threats and lack of opportunities, he left formal positions and worked selling tacos. He was murdered at his home while performing that activity (The Guardian, 2018)[2].

María Guadalupe “Lourdes” Maldonado López — January 23, 2022 (Tijuana, Baja California).
Journalist with extensive experience in television and radio (Televisa, PSN). In her final years, she no longer had the backing of major media and worked independently, including digital streaming. She had publicly reported threats and sought protection. She was killed outside her home (Committee to Protect Journalists [CPJ], 2022[3]; Infobae, 2022[4]; El País, 2022[5]; Milenio, 2022[6]; ARTICLE 19, 2022[7]).

These cases illustrate a pattern: the risk does not disappear when a journalist leaves a media outlet; vulnerability multiplies.

The New Wave of Killings Under the Current Presidency

With the arrival of Mexico’s new president Claudia Sheinbaum (October 2024), violence against journalists has not ceased. Between October 1, 2024, and September 14, 2025, there were 10 confirmed journalist killings:

1. Mauricio Cruz Solís — October 29–30, 2024, Uruapan, Michoacán (Reuters, 2024)[8].

2. Patricia Ramírez González — October 30, 2024, registered by the UNESCO Observatory (UNESCO, 2024)[9].

3. Adriano Bachega (Adriano Bachega Olvera) — December 3, 2024, Monterrey, Nuevo León; Argentine naturalized journalist (Infobae, 2024)[10].

4. Calletano de Jesús Guerrero — January 17, 2025, State of Mexico (La Jornada, 2025)[11].

5. Alejandro Gallegos León — January 24–25, 2025, Cárdenas, Tabasco (El País, 2025)[12].

6. Jesús Alberto Camacho Rodríguez — February 20, 2025, remains identified in Culiacán (UNESCO, 2025)[13].

7. Kristian Uriel Martínez Zavala (Kristian Zavala) — March 2, 2025, Silao, Guanajuato (Reporters Without Borders [RSF], 2025)[14].

8. José Carlos González Herrera — May 15, 2025, Acapulco, Guerrero (RSF, 2025[15]; UNESCO, 2025[16]).

9. Ronald Paz Pedro — July 9, 2025, Guerrero (Artículo 19, 2025)[17].

10. Salomón Ordóñez Miranda — UNESCO statement, July 17, 2025 (UNESCO, 2025)[18].

This list confirms that, even with a change in government, the protection system remains weak and insufficient.

I will finish this article by saying that every time I call Mexico, I am violently reminded of why I left in the first place. In recent months, I have repeatedly tried to reach former classmates from my university journalism courses and even some of my professors. Let me tell you: it is nearly impossible for them to pick up the phone. And the excuse is always the same—fear. Fear of the relentless violence that has gripped their country.

Everything they tell me sounds like a scene ripped straight out of a war movie. They are terrified that my call could be intercepted or that it could come from the very people who are threatening them. The most shocking case is Guillermo García—on his newscast at 89.1 La Mejor and as Director of the Communication Sciences program at ULSAB University. Multiple times, he has refused my calls, paralyzed by fear that they could be threats aimed at him.

Just hearing my name seems enough. I get the sense that the moment they see it on their phone, that alone is reason enough not to answer. This fear has cost me friendships; people who once were close no longer dare to have any contact with me.

This is the harsh reality: journalists in Mexico live in constant terror. Every call, every conversation, every connection is shadowed by the threat of violence. And that is why I left—and why the ones left behind are still trapped in a nightmare.

Conclusion

Journalism in Mexico has become a high-risk profession that does not end with resigning from a newsroom. The cases of Rubén Espinosa, Leobardo Vázquez, and Lourdes Maldonado show that former journalists remain targets, that threats are real, and that leaving a formal media position does not guarantee safety.

The real problem lies in two factors:

1. The face of power — Politicians, drug traffickers, and businesspeople who will not tolerate losing prestige or “losing face” in front of public opinion.

2. Corruption and complicity — In some cases, other reporters or colleagues facilitated the location of victims, exposing their new workplaces or residences.

From my perspective, good journalists in Mexico are today either dead or in hiding. And most alarming: even leaving a formal media outlet does not guarantee escape from danger.

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References

1. El País. (2015, August 1). Photographer Rubén Espinosa murdered in Mexico City. El País.

2. The Guardian. (2018, March). Mexican journalist Leobardo Vázquez murdered.

3. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). (2022). Mexico: Lourdes Maldonado killed.

4. Infobae. (2022). The murder of Lourdes Maldonado.

5. El País. (2022). Chronicle of Lourdes Maldonado’s assassination.

6. Milenio. (2022). Lourdes Maldonado had reported threats.

7. ARTICLE 19. (2022). Report on journalist threats and murders in Mexico.

8. Reuters. (2024, October). Journalist Mauricio Cruz killed in Uruapan, Michoacán.

9. UNESCO. (2024). Statement on the killing of Patricia Ramírez González.

10. Infobae. (2024, December). Journalist Adriano Bachega murdered in Monterrey.

11. La Jornada. (2025, January). Calletano de Jesús Guerrero killed in State of Mexico.

12. El País. (2025, January). Journalist Alejandro Gallegos León killed in Tabasco.

13. UNESCO. (2025, February). Remains of Jesús Alberto Camacho identified in Culiacán.

14. Reporters Without Borders (RSF). (2025, March). Kristian Zavala killed in Guanajuato.

15. Reporters Without Borders (RSF). (2025, May). José Carlos González Herrera killed in Guerrero.

16. UNESCO. (2025, May). Statement on José Carlos González Herrera’s murder in Acapulco.

17. Artículo 19. (2025, July). Ronald Paz Pedro killed in Guerrero.

18. UNESCO. (2025, July). Statement on photographer Salomón Ordóñez Miranda.

Vicente Fox as a Contributor to the Murder of Journalists in Mexico

 

 Vicente Fox as a Contributor to the Murder of Journalists in Mexico
By Dr. Jossalberto Briceño Sáenz

During the six-year term of Vicente Fox Quesada (2000–2006), Mexico underwent a significant political transformation by breaking with more than 70 years of PRI rule. However, that same administration was responsible for the disappearance or weakening of the subjects of Civics and Ethics in basic education. A decision that has allowed the worsening of racism among Mexicans and, as one of its most lethal symptoms, has generated systematic violence against journalists in Mexico.

Ethics and Civics are fundamental pillars for the social, political, and economic development of any nation. Their disappearance in 2002, during Vicente Fox's administration, as well as their deficient reimplementation 17 years later, has had severe consequences for Mexico. ¹ In my view, their return to the education system lacks a critical and updated direction: these subjects should undergo a deep restructuring and a contemporary anthropological evaluation that questions cultural practices, norms, and dominant ideologies. It is urgent to eradicate monoculturalism and clarify the confusion between culture and morality, thus redirecting the country toward a model of “Ethical Cultural Normativism.”

Likewise, it is vital to implement this training not only in schools but also among the entire adult working population who never received, or still lack, this educational foundation. The absence of ethics in key sectors —officials, entrepreneurs, and citizens in general— fosters corruption, impunity, and violence. Bribery is accepted, abuse of power is justified, and silence is maintained in the face of injustice. What we are experiencing today is the direct result of having abandoned these formative pillars for almost two decades.

In simple terms: Ethics teaches people to act beyond self-interest, to act without selfishness, to respect truth, and to defend the value of information as a right for all, allowing people to engage in dialogue without violence and respecting differences. This can be translated into the right to report news and to allow people to practice journalism.

Civics, on the other hand, creates the awareness and social pressure needed to reject corruption, impunity, and authoritarianism. Civics is what we could translate as the very reporters and journalists who denounce with their investigations made public through journalistic articles. In summary: Ethics allows people to speak and be fair; Civics generates the social responsibility to investigate, question, and tell stories. Both subjects disappeared from classrooms under Fox’s government, and today we are paying the price.

Intragroup disdain, or the well-known “crab mentality,” is brutally reflected in power structures. State and municipal governments allow threats and the elimination of journalists, activists, and critical citizens —especially if they criticize the system. In states like Guanajuato, particularly in Celaya, journalists have been threatened or silenced. Not by foreigners. It is Mexican politicians themselves, local businessmen, or opportunistic communicators who seek to ingratiate themselves with power, even at the cost of their colleagues’ murder. People who know neither Ethics nor Civics.

The case of Lourdes Maldonado, a journalist murdered in Tijuana in 2022, proves this. She did not die for criticizing another country, but for denouncing the abuses of Mexican politicians. She was a Mexican murdered for speaking out against other Mexicans.

According to colleagues and industry organizations, Maldonado was enrolled in the Protection Mechanism for Human Rights Defenders and Journalists which, however, did not prevent her death. Lourdes Maldonado had a broad professional career, especially covering political and corruption topics. ²

Now let’s talk about Guanajuato, Vicente Fox’s political stronghold. We have the city of Celaya, now one of the epicenters of this violence. Alejandro Martínez Noguez, a crime reporter known as “The son of the lone ranger,” was shot to death in August 2024 while covering an armed attack in Celaya. He had official protection and traveled in a patrol vehicle to do his work. ³ He had already survived an attempted assassination in 2022. Celaya, the third largest city in Guanajuato, has become a lawless zone. In 2024 alone, 18 of the 40 murders of security officers in Guanajuato occurred there, according to data from the federal undersecretary of Public Security, Luis Rodríguez Bucio. ⁴

The average number of journalists murdered per six-year term in Mexico remains around 47. In 2025, in this new six-year term, six have already been killed. Two of them in Guanajuato:

• On March 2, Kristian Uriel Martínez Zavala, founder of the media outlet El Silaoense Mx, was executed along with his driver while traveling in his vehicle. Gunmen on motorcycles ambushed them and fired multiple shots. ⁵

• On March 13, Raúl Irán Villarreal Belmont, director of the digital outlet Observatorio Ciudadano, was kidnapped and executed. His body, with multiple gunshot wounds, was found hours later in Guanajuato's capital. ⁶

These crimes do not occur in a vacuum. They are a direct consequence of a system that abandoned ethical education for its citizens and allowed violence to become normalized starting in the classrooms. A system Vicente Fox helped destroy.

What led me to this conclusion were the statistics: 47 journalists murdered during the term of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, 47 during Enrique Peña Nieto’s, and 48 during Felipe Calderón’s, compared to only 26 during Vicente Fox’s term. ⁷

Many might interpret that during Fox's tenure, the killings of journalists were corrected. However, in my analysis, this figure does not represent an achievement but a warning.
My interpretation is the following: during his administration there were still traces of Ethics and Civics education among the population. But by the end of his term, these elements had virtually disappeared from Mexico’s education system. That ethical and civic disconnection became the breeding ground for the rise in violence afterward. It is no coincidence that the year with the most journalists murdered during his term was the last one, with 10 documented cases.

This also reflects political pressure on reporters, particularly due to ideological differences. Silencing them was a way to influence upcoming electoral processes, eliminating critical voices just when citizens needed to make informed decisions.

It is clear that the elimination of Ethics and Civics was a historic mistake. Instead of disappearing, these subjects should have been strengthened and expanded as part of a continuous education for all, even for the working class. Without them, Mexico has produced generations unable to recognize the value of life, the spoken word, and the truth.

I propose, as an urgent measure, to restructure the national education system by reinstating Ethics and Civics at all levels. What Fox weakened is now killing us.

 

Sources:

1.      El Universal (2022, July 19). Materias tardaron 17 años en volver al salón de clases. https://www.eluniversal.com.mx/nacion/politica/materias-tardaron-17-anos-en-volver-al-salon-de-clases/

2.      BBC Mundo (2022, January 25). Asesinato de la periodista Lourdes Maldonado: por qué su muerte sacudió a México y qué se sabe del caso. https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-60119803

3.      Reporters Without Borders (2025, August 3). RSF condena asesinato de Alejandro Martínez Noguez, segundo periodista bajo protección asesinado en 2025. RSF. https://rsf.org/es/alejandro-martinez-noguez-asesinato

4.      La Jornada (2024, July 24). Este año han asesinado a 40 policías en Guanajuat. https://www.jornada.com.mx/2024/07/24/politica/014n1pol

5.      Reporters Without Borders (2025, March 3). Asesinan al periodista Kristian Zavala en Guanajuato. https://rsf.org/es/kristian-zavala-ejecutado

6.      Sin Embargo (2025, March 14). Asesinan a Raúl Irán Villarreal, segundo comunicador ultimado en una semana en Guanajuato. https://www.sinembargo.mx/14-03-2025/4426603

7.      Artículo 19 (2025). Periodistas y comunicadores asesinados en México. https://articulo19.org/periodistasasesinados/

How Lukewarm Is Guillermo del Toro?

 How Lukewarm Is Guillermo del Toro?

By Dr. Jossalberto Briceno Saenz

"Timor mortis conturbat me" – The fear of death disturbs me.

I believe fear should always have a place in our lives.

After the release of Mimic in 1997, Guillermo del Toro was compelled to leave Mexico due to the dangers plaguing the country. Since then, he has openly criticized Mexico’s executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government. However, as clear as he has been about his fears of living in Mexico and his harsh critiques of the country, he has not refrained from returning—for family visits, masterclasses in Guadalajara, and more.

This contradiction reminds me of the Bible, a text also filled with paradoxes, as is Guillermo del Toro himself.

Personally, I harbor so much fear of returning to Mexico that I would not even visit my own mother’s grave. I say this without hyperbole—verbum scouti—word of a scout. So, what is it that allows Guillermo to defy his fears and return to a place he has so openly condemned?

On one point, I completely agree with del Toro: Mexico’s poor security situation. This insecurity resulted in his father’s kidnapping in Guadalajara, Jalisco, in 1998—a horrifying ordeal that lasted 72 days. At the time, I knew nothing of Guillermo del Toro’s life or his films, yet I found myself similarly critical of Mexico’s failing security system. Unlike him, however, I lacked fame and financial resources, yet I, too, felt unsafe in Mexico.

As a university student, I proposed requiring higher education for all security personnel in Mexico, meaning that only individuals with college degrees could serve as police officers or hold administrative positions in police departments. My vision was to transform a barbaric Mexico into a safer one, with education as the cornerstone of change. This effort led me to engage with universities throughout Guanajuato to raise awareness, but it also earned me the ire of local police—a reality that fills me with terror to this day.

A significant body of literature exists on Guillermo del Toro, much of it centered on his personal notebooks, filled with sketches and ideas for his films. While visually stunning, these works often feel more like children’s books—rich in illustrations but lacking in depth and theory. If I were to recommend reading, I’d suggest “Del Toro by Del Toro” by Antonio Trashorras, one of his collaborators, and “His Life, His Cinema, His Monsters” by Leonardo García Tsao, del Toro’s close friend. However, to truly understand the contradictions inherent in del Toro’s character, I’d advise reading both simultaneously.

Del Toro’s words and actions are riddled with inconsistencies. Consider his morbid tales of walking through morgues filled with bloodied fetuses, or his descriptions of Pan’s Labyrinth and the online backlash he faced in Spain. Spaniards, by his account, united on forums to disparage him and root for his film’s failure—a campaign that undeniably embodied bullying, racism, and discrimination. Yet del Toro refrained from criticizing these actions, even offering excuses for their behavior in his book. The same leniency is absent in his critiques of Mexico.

So why does del Toro continue to return to Mexico despite his professed fears? The answer, in my opinion, lies in financial benefit. This undermines the weight of his words about Mexico’s flaws, including its poor security and mismanagement.

Returning to the Bible, Revelation 3:15-16 states: “I know your works, that you are neither cold nor hot. I wish you were cold or hot. So then, because you are lukewarm, and neither cold nor hot, I will vomit you out of my mouth.” To me, del Toro’s behavior and rhetoric are lukewarm, and that undermines his credibility. One is far more genuine as either hot or cold, but not as tepid.

The truth is, the books about del Toro raise more questions than they answer. Written by friends, they avoid direct responses or offer ones that are neither believable nor reliable. In the end, they, too, are lukewarm.

What do you think? When you love something, you love it despite its flaws—that’s what we call blind love. I believe fear is similar; when you truly fear something, you fear it entirely. If not, you’re not being honest with yourself.

Guillermo del Toro, why not grant me an interview? I have 18 questions written in my notebook, but I’d be satisfied if you answered just five.

THE GIFTS OF CHRISTMAS

 

THE GIFTS OF CHRISTMAS
By Dr. Jossalberto Briceno Saenz

I believe Christmas should last forever.

How many Christmases do you truly remember? What is the most wonderful thing that has ever happened to you during Christmas? After reflecting on these questions, one inevitably begins to recall those memorable gifts—both good and bad—received in holiday gift exchanges.

It feels like it was just yesterday when my siblings and I would rush to the Christmas tree to grab our presents. We’d weigh them in our hands, shake them, and try to guess what treasures lay inside.

But let us move beyond material gifts and focus on the joy and happiness that should envelop this season. And here comes the deeper question: beyond presents, what brings you true joy and happiness? If you asked Mariah Carey, she’d probably say, "All I Want for Christmas Is You." Why not? I love that word "you" in English—it can be interpreted as singular or plural, making her song both universal and deeply personal. It’s a phrase that, in my opinion, generates both positive and critical discourse in equal measure.

Let me talk about gifts—both material and immaterial—in the context of education. I recall my school days in Mexico when we were accustomed to carrying backpacks so heavy they often outweighed the children themselves. Sometimes, these bags were physically larger than the student carrying them. This led me to wonder: is knowledge and education truly measured by the weight or volume of books?

In 2003, I reflected on this and developed a proposal to reduce the physical burden on students without compromising their access to knowledge. I presented this plan to the government of Guanajuato, to then-President Vicente Fox, and to Mexico’s Secretariat of Public Education (SEP). My program called for the standardization of textbook sizes across government-issued and private publishers, aligning them with three-ring binders. The books would feature detachable pages and be pre-divided into weekly study sections.

In essence, my goal was to minimize the physical load while maximizing the possibility for students to carry a personal book of their own choosing to school.

I don’t know the current state of education in Mexico, as I’ve been away for 23 years. But at that time, my proposal was my gift to every child—a way to transform the educational system for the better. My gift wasn’t about adding more; it was about taking away. As I saw it then (and still believe today), the physical weight of books doesn’t represent acquired knowledge or academic achievement. However, implementing this change required cooperation and support from the government, which, unfortunately, I did not receive.

My program was so detailed that it even outlined specific standards for both public and private schools. Sadly, it was rejected by Vicente Fox and the SEP. The resistance I encountered became so overwhelming that I had no choice but to leave Mexico altogether.

Now, as Christmas approaches, I find myself reflecting—remembering some things and forgetting others, not by choice but for the sake of sanity. For me, Christmas is not about red, green, and white clothes, nativity scenes, or presents whose size and weight seem to dictate their value. Instead, it’s about a feeling of peace, joy, and emotional abundance—something far greater than anything measured in grams.

I wish all of you a Merry Christmas. May you find happiness in the company of people you love and who love you in return—more than boxes and decorative paper ever could.

And if you’re one of those who doesn’t share my perspective and prefers heavier gifts, well, I hope someone gives you a complete set of ankle and wrist weights this Christmas. That way, you can put them to good use after all the holiday feasting and New Year celebrations.

THE MEANING OF CHRISTMAS

 THE MEANING OF CHRISTMAS

By Jossalberto Briceno Saenz

If you were to ask me which Christmas I prefer—the one in Mexico or the one in China—I couldn’t give you an answer so easily. To explain, I must first provide some context.

As the world prepares to celebrate Christmas once again, I find myself reminiscing about my time studying in China and my earlier years in Mexico. During my tenure at Fudan University in Shanghai, I had the unique experience of playing Santa Claus every year. The school would provide me with a Santa suit, and I would deliver gifts to faculty members and other attendees at the university’s Christmas party. These parties were vibrant, with students performing dances, plays, or singing traditional songs from various countries. The feast was just as diverse, featuring everything from traditional Chinese dumplings to Japanese, Korean, Thai, and other international dishes.

One day as Santa Claus, however, was not enough for me. I would request to keep the suit longer, and for several days each year, you could see me walking around Shanghai dressed as Santa. There I was, a Mexican Santa Claus amidst statues of Mao Zedong, studying in university libraries, strolling along the Bund (Waitan) by the Huangpu River, and wandering through places like the Yu Garden, the underground markets beneath the Oriental Pearl TV Tower, and finally ending my walks on Nanjing Lu. Interestingly, "lu" means "street" in Chinese, yet many still redundantly call it "Nanjinglu Street."

On the other side of the Pacific, we find Mexico—specifically the Mexico of 2001. I mention this time period because I am not sure if the Mexico I once knew remains the same, but I’ll let you decide by the end of this article. Back then, I attended my communication sciences classes at La Salle Benavente University in Celaya, Guanajuato. Truth be told, I often dreaded these classes. Many of my classmates smoked, and during the cold winter months, they would shut the windows and doors, filling the room with suffocating smoke.

Despite my obvious discomfort, no one ever paused to consider that we all shared the same air. Even the few non-smoking students said nothing. It seemed that no one reflected on the fact that we all had the same right to breathe clean air.

To make matters worse, our program director, who occasionally taught classes himself, would smoke during his lectures. He would even place his pack of cigarettes on my desk and say, "You’re the only one missing. Come on, just take one and smoke—it’s easier this way."

Enduring such callous behavior made me question the values of these individuals. Were these the future representatives of Mexico in media, international relations, and politics? Would they someday hold important positions in government? If so, what would happen to the ethical standards of our society?

In my view, no matter the job you hold, you must never lose the humanity that allows you to be empathetic toward those who are neither family nor close friends. To me, that is the true meaning of Christmas. From Alf’s Special Christmas to A Charlie Brown Christmas, Scrooged, Miracle on 34th Street, and even Home Alone 2: Lost in New York, the lesson is clear: Christmas is about caring for and understanding people beyond your usual circle. Unfortunately, in Mexico, those messages often aren’t enough.

Today, we see university students and professionals, like those I described earlier, who lack the ability to win or lose gracefully. They gossip, undermine others, and engage in destructive behaviors. This points to a broader failure in ethical and moral education—something that can no longer be remedied by a handful of holiday movies. What Mexico truly needs are robust ethics and civics classes integrated into the education system, which were tragically removed in 2000 by former President Vicente Fox.

Fox’s decision to eliminate these classes from school curricula was a disservice to the nation, leaving generations without a formal foundation in morality or civic responsibility.

So, after hearing all this, I ask you: Which Christmas do you prefer—the one in China or the one in Mexico?